Imperial America: Ireland and Washington’s Expanding Biometric Border Regime

The rupturing of transatlantic relations continues to define the diplomatic calendars of both Iveagh House and European capitals with scant attention being paid to moves by Washington to hoover up the biometric data of EU citizens.

Referred to by policy wonks as the  “Enhanced Border Security Partnerships” (EBSP), the scheme enables American intelligence agencies access to national biometric databases of Schengen countries in exchange for progress on visa access for EU citizens to the United States.

A scheme in the works since 2022 both the European Commission, Washington and national capitals are hammering out the exact details of the EBSP, specifically which databases can be accessed as well as the handling of sensitive data on racial and political belief.

Ireland’s Home Affairs opt-out which additionally applies equally to migration matters at an EU level entails Dublin is not a participant in the transfer of data under the EBSP but recent history begs some harsher examination.

The Republic is a famous waystation for European dataflows stateside with the Irish Data Commissioner kneedeep in a transatlantic tug of war since the rollout of GDPR.

Indeed while deferring journalistic inquiries from The Burkean on the impact of the EBSP, the Irish Data Protection Commission has been at the centre of this struggle since the advent of GDPR, repeatedly adjudicating, and often delaying, enforcement actions with direct consequences for US intelligence, law-enforcement, and commercial access to European data 

Separately, in a written response, the Department of Justice told the Burkean Ireland “will continue to operate its own visa and border systems” following the introduction of the scheme, which is being rolled out across the Schengen area from October. 

As a non-Schengen member, Ireland does not require access to shared EU border systems and is therefore not party to the EES.

However, the Department’s reply does not address whether Irish citizens’ biometric or identity data could be shared with the United States through other channels. The response makes no reference to US demands for expanded biometric access as part of its visa-waiver arrangements, nor to any bilateral security or law-enforcement agreements that may exist outside EU frameworks. 

This leaves unresolved how Ireland’s position as a major hub for transatlantic data flows intersects with Washington’s push for wider biometric visibility, and whether Ireland’s formal opt-out from EU border systems translates into actual meaningful limits on US access in practice.

In practical terms, the United States already has extensive access to data generated by Irish citizens, regardless of Ireland’s formal position on EU border systems. Irish travellers to the US routinely provide fingerprints and facial images on entry, which are retained by US authorities, while passenger information is shared in advance through airline and security screening systems. 

At the security level, Ireland’s close operational ties with the UK which is fully integrated into US security and biometric architectures entail that Irish-linked data frequently circulates within wider Anglo-American systems. 

The expansion of biometric data sharing also has direct implications for how migration is controlled. 

As US systems increasingly act as a reference point for identity and risk screening, decisions about who travels, who is delayed, and who is refused can be shaped outside Irish or even EU processes. 

Biometric flags generated by US authorities can follow individuals across borders, influencing airline checks, visa decisions before a person reaches an Irish or European checkpoint. Over time, this shifts practical control over migration away from national authorities.

Ultimately, as the US tightens its grip on biometric border controls ahead of 2026, Ireland faces a stark choice: adapt quietly or risk losing access to its imperial hegemon. 

Just bear in mind it won’t always be Trump in the Oval Office.